Yet, social structures evoke tensions and negotiations in mobile device use (Chib et al. 2014; Parreñas 2001a, b, 2005b; Uy-tioco 2007), which may also occur in social media use. Previous studies show that social media posts among migrants are interpreted by their left-behind family members based on an ‘ideal’ gendered and familial image (Madianou 2014, 2016; Madianou and Miller 2012; Miller and Madianou 2012).For example, Madinaou and Miller (2012) describe a left-behind son in their ethnographic study who, for a time, stopped communicating with his migrant mother upon accessing his mother’s personal information on Friendster. The child saw the mother’s photos—displaying scenes of drinking and partying—and considered them as indecent (Madianou and Miller 2012). But despite such revelation, the left-behind son eventually communicated with and even helped his mother in addressing personal problems overseas (Madianou and Miller 2012). In some instances, expectations of physical co-presence transform social media platforms into a painful reminder of separation (Madianou and Miller 2012).Digital communication technologies fall short of physical co-presence (Cabalquinto 2017; Madianou 2012; Madianou and Miller 2012; Wilding 2006). As a result, the deployment of personal tactics—hiding posts (Madianou 2016) and suppressing emotions (Parreñas 2001a)— becomes crucial to deal with the challenges of family separation.